Education is principally identified with schooling, though in theory it extends far beyond this, being concerned with intellectual and social development. The main emphasis within this is on children, though there is clearly scope for education for all and 'lifelong learning'.
Education has been particularly significant as an instrument of social policy, in the sense not only of policies for welfare but also as policies intended to deal with the structure of society. The aims of education include:
Social change (or 'social engineering'). The education system has been seen as a means of bringing about social change.
Finch refers to the use of education as a vehicle for other types of social policy. Education provides a convenient basis for policy for children because of its universal coverage, the acceptance of responsibility for children's welfare, and because it has been easy to justify welfare measures in educational terms. [1]
External link: World data on education
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A Montessori school, 1946.
This was one of the pioneers of 'progressive' teaching
methods. (c) Hulton-Getty collection. |
Four educational models have been influential in Europe.
The dominant models in the UK have been humanism for the elite, and vocationalism for others. French education is encyclopaedist; Danish education is naturalist.
There are several types of explanation for the origins of educational disadvantage.
Structural views. Structural theories relate educational disadvantage to the structure of society. Class disadvantages and poverty are reflected in educational attainment because of the combination of home and school factors.
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(c) de Montfort University |
Free elementary education was introduced in England in 1870; secondary schools were fee-paying until 1944. 80% of children left after elementary education, which after 1918 finished at 14. The 1944 Education Act introduced free secondary education.
The dominant principle was the pursuit of equality. The system was based on a 'tripartite' structure, distinguishing grammar, technical and secondary modern. Within these schools there was to be 'parity of esteem'. In practice, there were few technical schools, which meant the system was more 'bipartite' than 'tripartite'. Since grammar schools were selective, and secondary moderns took the rest, there was never 'parity of esteem'.
Non-selective or 'comprehensive' schools were introduced gradually, but comprehensive education became government policy in the 1960s. The arguments for and against comprehensive education have been confused with other arguments about educational methods and the purposes of education. The main arguments for comprehensives are they reduce the likelihood of discrimination or disadvantage on the basis of class , and that they improve the prospects of children of middling ability. The main argument against is that the selective system may be more consistent with the idea of equality of opportunity. Working class children who went to grammar schools did better than those who go now to comprehensive schools.
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(c) Hulton-Getty collection. |
A series of conservative critiques of the education system in the 1970s argued that
new teaching methods had failed.
By contrast, the schools inspectorate (subsequently Ofsted in England and Wales) made a very different set of criticisms of schooling:
Virtually all schools let down the less able pupils.
Most schools have no problem of discipline (though recent Ofsted reports comment on some deterioration in standards in secondary schools). The most common problem, identified in a fifth of schools, is truancy which is condoned by parents.
There have been three main trends in recent reforms.
The same trends are apparent in Scottish education as in England and Wales.
Further reading
A Halsey, H Lauder, P Brown, A Wells (eds), Education: culture, economy ,society, Oxford University Press 1997.